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300 scholars to Harper: Enbridge recommendation based on junk science

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300 scholars to Harper- Enbridge recommendation based on junk science

In an open letter, 300 scholars poke holes in the Joint Review Panel’s recommendation of the proposed Enbridge pipeline, urging PM Stephen Harper to reject its final report.

May 26, 2014

Dear Prime Minister Harper:

Based on the evidence presented below, we, the undersigned scholars, have concluded that the Joint  Review Panel’s (JRP) assessment of the Northern Gateway Project (the Project) represents a flawed  analysis of the risks and benefits to British Columbia’s environment and society. Consequently, the JRP  report should not serve as the basis for concluding that the Northern Gateway Project is in the best  interests of Canadians. We  urge  you  in  the  strongest  possible  terms  to  reject  this  report.

The Canadian electorate expected the JRP ruling to present a balanced and appropriate consideration of  the risks and benefits of the Project, drawing upon the best available evidence, and expressing a cogent  rationale for the final ruling.

By our analysis, the Canadian electorate received a ruling that is not balanced or defensible due to five major flaws. The Panel’s review:

  1. Failed to adequately articulate the rationale for its findings,
  2. Considered only a narrow set of risks but a broad array of benefits, thereby omitting adequate consideration of key issues,
  3. Relied on information from the proponent, without external evaluation,
  4. Contradicted scientific evidence contained in official government documents,
  5. Treated uncertain risks as unimportant risks, and assumed these would be negated by the proponent’s yet-to-be-developed mitigation measures.

Below, we expand on these five fundamental flaws that invalidate the report as an appropriate basis for your Cabinet to approve the Project.

1. Failure to articulate a rationale

The panel failed to articulate a rationale for numerous findings, and failed to satisfy the criteria of  “justification, transparency and intelligibility” expected of administrative tribunals. Such a rationale is  fundamental to both scientific and legal judgment. The Panel’s charge was to determine whether the  Project is in the public interest of British Columbians and Canadians, based on a critical analysis of the Project’s economic, environmental and social benefits, costs and risks over the long term. Instead of  such a balanced consideration, the panel justified its recommendation of the project by summarizing the  panel’s understanding of environmental burdens in five short paragraphs and judging that these adverse environmental outcomes were outweighed by the potential societal and economic benefits.  Without a rationale for why the expected benefits justify the risks (e.g., why must an environmental effect be certain and/or permanently widespread to outweigh economic benefits that themselves are  subject to some uncertainty?), any ruling of overall public interest is unsupportable.

2. Consideration of narrow risks but broad benefits, omission of key issues

The panel included in its deliberation a broad view of the economic benefits, but an asymmetrically  narrow view of the environmental risks and costs. The need for the Project as stipulated by Enbridge  includes consideration of the enhanced revenues that would accrue from higher prices for oil sands  products in Asian markets. These enhanced revenues are benefits to producers from production. The  environmental risks, however, were only considered if they are associated with transport, not  production or later burning/consumption. All negative effects associated with the enhanced production  of oil sands bitumen, or the burning of such products in Asia, were excluded, as were greenhouse gas  emissions generally. This exclusion of the project’s contributions to increased atmospheric emissions  undermines Canada’s formal international commitments and federal policies on greenhouse emissions.  Other key issues omitted include the difficulty of containing freshwater spills under ice, as has already  been demonstrated on the Athabasca River from oil sands developments.

3. Reliance on information from the Proponent, without external evaluation

On critical issues, the panel relied on information from the proponent without external assessment. For  example, on the pivotal matter of the risks of a diluted bitumen tanker spill, the panel concluded that a  major spill was unlikely. Yet, a professional engineers’ report concluded that the quantitative risk  assessment upon which the panel relied was so flawed as to provide no meaningful results. Regarding  the consequences of such a spill, the panel relied on the proponent’s modeling to conclude that the  adverse consequences of a spill would not be widespread or permanent, even as it acknowledged that  there is much uncertainty about the behavior of diluted bitumen in the marine environment. That  modeling discounted the prospect that diluted bitumen could be transported long distance by currents,  when the product submerges, as it does under a wide range of conditions. Thus, the panel may have  underestimated the scale of potential damages. Because the proponent is in a clear conflict of interest,  an independent assessment of potential oil spill damage should have been commissioned.

4. Contradiction of official government documents

A decision on the potential for significant adverse environmental effects on any species or habitat must  be consistent with the government’s own official documents. The panel’s conclusions that marine  mammals in general will not suffer significant adverse cumulative effects stands in direct contradiction  to the government’s own management and recovery plans. For example, the Recovery Plan for large  whales (blue, fin, and sei whales—species-at-risk under the federal Species at Risk Act, SARA) lists  “collisions with vessels, noise from industrial … activities, [and] pollution” as imminent threats —all  three threats are associated with the NGP proposal. Contamination has also been identified as a threat  for other marine mammals: the management plans for both the sea otter and the Steller sea lion identify a risk from marine contamination—in particular the acute effects of large oil spills, but also from  the toxicity of smaller, chronic spills that are likely to increase proportionally with vessel traffic. The  panel also failed to account for newly identified critical habitat of the humpback whale and failed to  specify how the proponent’s mitigation plan would reduce the significant risks from increased shipping,  a serious threat identified in the recently published Recovery Strategy for the species. A plan to manage the threats to the species and its habitat is a legal requirement given that the humpback whale  is a species of Special Concern under SARA.

5. Inappropriate treatment of uncertain risks, and reliance on yet-to-be-developed mitigation measures

The panel effectively treated uncertain risks as unimportant. For instance, Northern Gateway omitted  specified mitigation plans for numerous environmental damages or accidents. This omission produced  fundamental uncertainties about the environmental impacts of Northern Gateway’s proposal  (associated with the behaviour of bitumen in saltwater, adequate dispersion modeling, etc.). The panel  recognized these fundamental uncertainties, but sought to remedy them by demanding the future  submission of plans. However, the panel described no mechanism by which the evaluation of these  plans could reverse their ruling. Since these uncertainties are primarily a product of omitted mitigation  plans, such plans should have been required and evaluated before the JRP report was issued. To assume  that such uncertainties would not influence the final decision of the panel, is to sanction the  proponent’s strategic omissions, and effectively discount these potentially significant risks of the  Project, to the detriment of the interests of the Canadian public.

Conclusion

The JRP report could have offered guidance, both to concerned Canadians in forming their opinions on  the project and to the federal government in its official decision. However, given the major flaws  detailed above, the report does not provide the needed guidance. Rather, the JRP’s conclusion—that  Canadians would be better off with than without the Northern Gateway Project given all  “environmental, social, and economic considerations”xvii—stands unsupported.

Given such flaws, the JRP report is indefensible as a basis to judge in favour of the Project.

Sincerely,

Kai MA Chan – Associate Professor, University of British Columbia

Anne Salomon – Assistant Professor, Simon Fraser University

Eric B. Taylor – Professor, University of British Columbia

Read original letter with 300 additional signatories and supporting evidence here.

Read: Engineers poke holes in Enbridge tanker safety

Read: It’s all about the economy…no evidence required

 

 

 

 

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Corky Evans-How you can help save the ALR

Corky Evans: How YOU can help save the ALR in 5 min

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Corky Evans-Our last chance to save the ALR
Former BC Environment Minister Corky Evans (Photo: Alex Hanson)

An Open Letter to Almost Everybody:

My name is Corky Evans. I garden and farm in the Kootenays of B.C. Many years ago I was the Minister of Agriculture.

I do not understand popular culture or electronic communication. I have not learned to do Facebook. What I have been told is that when people find something interesting from someone they trust, they send it on to other people and in this way it is possible to engage more people, faster, than ever before.

I have decided that this technology that I do not understand may be the last chance we have to influence the Government of B. C. not to dismantle the historical protection of farmland where we live.

All you need to know

I am not going to try to explain the issue or the history or the legislation that is being debated in Victoria as I write. You do not have to know that stuff to know that food is important and that land to grow food on needs to be protected from being paved over. That is all you need to know. For forty years we have had rules in B.C. that protected farm land pretty well. This week the Government is trying to pass a law that will destroy the protection of farmland.

The Government didn’t think up this idea. They got it from the Fraser Institute. You may have heard of those people. They represent the largest Corporations and Banks in the Province. They are not known for caring a great deal about public policy. They will get richer paving farmland than by leaving it alone.

Bad law

I think lots of the MLAs in Victoria know this law they are debating is a bad law. The law is opposed by Greens, New Democrats and Independents. They are, as I write, trying to delay passage to give citizens a chance to learn what is happening and react. I think it also opposed by some Liberal members who are too afraid to speak publicly.

You can research everything I am saying if you have time. If you don’t have time, and if you got this letter from someone you trust, I beg you to take 5 minutes to try and stop this law. I do not care, by the way, if it is stopped forever. I just want it stopped until citizens understand what is happening and get to have a say before the Government wrecks something of great importance for our shared future.

Take action

If you have 5 minutes here is what you do: You look in the phone book for the number of your MLA and call them and say you don’t want them to pass Bill 24. Or you send them an e-mail by looking here to find their address. Then you send this request to the people who trust your judgement enough to read it.

This probably won’t work. I am asking, though, because nothing else will. In a week or so we will all know how it turned out.

Thank you for reading this.

Sincerely,

Corky Evans

Winlaw, BC

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Green jobs see huge growth globally - Why is Canada missing out

Green jobs see huge growth globally: Why is Canada missing out?

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Green jobs see big growth

There are those like Stephen Harper who repeatedly say we must choose between economic development and sustainable development.

And there are those who, concerned about the environment and the latest reports from the International Panel on Climate Change, suggest that economic development and sustainable development should be reconciled.  Countries such as Germany are often cited as cases in point.  Most environmental organizations fall into this latter reconciliation category.

Sustainability and economic development go hand in hand

That said, the term reconciliation seems totally out of place when one considers that the green sectors are among the fastest growing and highest job creation sectors of our times and that this growth can only get better as nations adopt more aggressive approaches to fully participate in the new economy.  Moreover, what especially makes this growth attractive is that the green economy is every bit as diversified, if not more so, as Canada’s traditional natural resource-based economy.

Accordingly, rather than the reconciliation of opposing forces, we should be talking about the green economy as the prime focus of Finance, Economic Development and Treasury ministers, supported by a minister responsible for the green economy.  If this “attitude” was to be adopted in Canada, we would be assured of significant progress towards synergistic economic and sustainable development objectives.

Green sectors deliver big job creation, economic development

There are 3.5 million green jobs in the EU and 1.2 million EU jobs in renewables.  Germany’s renewable energy sector alone boasts 382,000 jobs, making it among the largest in that country.

Renewable job growth is so strong, Europe’s  wind sector faces a shortage of about 7000 positions/year.

The Economist: China's going green...but is it fast enough?
China is investing $70 billion a year in renewable energy

Meanwhile, China added a whopping 16.1 gigawatts (GW) of new wind capacity just in 2013, bringing total domestic wind capacity to 91.4 GW.  (To put this in relative terms, Québec’s current entire electricity production capacity is 43 GW).  By 2020, China may reach 200 GW of installed wind capacity along with 500,000 jobs in China’s wind sector.

China also added 12 GW of solar capacity in 2013.  Currently, there are 300,000 jobs in China’s solar photovoltaic domain and another 800,000 in Chinese solar heating and cooling.

Of course, there is much more to the green economy than just clean energy.  The green economy is also about technologies to reduce waste and therefore improve business profits over the long run.  This includes technologies aimed at reducing pollution, toxic by-products, and above all, those technologies which reduce the production of waste at the source, in the manufacturing  process.

Then there are the exceptional opportunities pertaining to the transportation sector. Being nearly entirely dependent on fossil fuels, transport must be seriously revamped.  The right legislative and fiscal frameworks for the auto sector would spur both innovation and new supply chain products and industries.

What is stopping us from working on these high job creation sustainable development solutions?

Time to stop subsidizing fossil fuels

One of the greatest impediments to migrating away from the traditional economy rests with the fact that we continue subsidizing the problem, big time.  Indeed the fossil sectors are the world’s most subsidized.

According to the International Energy Agency, we are subsidizing greenhouse gases at the level of $110/ tonne.

Particularly telling is the data churned out by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on 2011 fossil fuels direct subsidies, plus the costs of externalities – such as the impacts of climate change on infrastructure and pollution on health.  The IMF came up with a global total of $1.9 Trillion/year in subsidies and government costs associated with fossil fuels.  Among nations evaluated by the IMF, Canada shamefully ranked 14th in public subsidies for fossils at $26.4B/year.

Consequently, ending these subsidies would not only level the playing field for more equitable competition from clean technologies, but would also free up financial resources to support the shift to a green economy.

And the payoff is green jobs – lots of them.  That is, a green shift offers 6 to 8 times more jobs for a given unit of investment when compared with government investments in the fossil fuel economy.  To this effect, the BlueGreen Alliance published a report indicating that $1.3 billion in subsidies for the oil and gas sector supports just 2,300 Canadian jobs, while the same amount invested in the green economy would support 18,000 to 20,000 jobs.

Not only does the green economy give a better bang for government bucks, but a green economy is also very unlike a resource-based economy, which concentrates the wealth in the specific geographic areas where the fossil and natural resources are found.  This is to say that a green economy spreads the wealth opportunities all over the country and planet.

The production of clean energy, the manufacturing of clean technologies and the maintenance of clean tech systems can occur in most parts of Canada and around the globe.

Other sources of revenue for a green shift could include auctions of emission credits under a cap and trade scheme, and stiff, progressive penalties for non-compliance on environmental legislation.  Moreover, public banks and export corporations could play a major role in supporting the green economy as is the case in China, Germany, the UK, the EU and Brazil.

Finally, with respect to funding to support the transition to a green economy, it is important to note that both Harper and Trudeau support an exceptionally low corporate tax rate of 15%, a policy that has resulted in $575 billion lying dormant in corporate liquidity – a formula for austerity budgets.

In other words, with a higher corporate tax rate, there would be  plenty of money around to support a fast-forward catch-up to other nations regarding the green economy as well as improvements in job creation, health, child care, innovation and so on.

Removing the roadblocks

The main obstacles in the way to moving to a diversified, high-growth, high-job creation, green economy are our governments and political leaders – incapable of thinking outside of the box.

Indeed, both Stephen Harper and Justin Trudeau regard Canada as a natural resource/fossil fuel export economy and place an undue emphasis on tar sands exports, supporting pipelines and trade agreements.  Both seem oblivious to the fact that China and the EU have aggressive green economy policies, with objectives to reduce their dependency on fossil fuel imports.

To a lesser extent, the US has embarked on a similar path.

Both Trudeau and Harper also seem oblivious to the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) conclusion that, “apart from short-term price booms, the ‘terms of trade’ – the price of resource exports relative to manufactured goods – have been falling for more than a century.”  Suffice it to say, neither Harper or Trudeau is prepared for the emerging global green economy – the economy of tomorrow.

Finally, green advocates have got to get out of the paradigm of economic and sustainable development reconciliation and start talking about attractive, green economic development strategies.

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Fisheries Minister's weak response to salmon inquiry petition

Fisheries Minister’s weak response to Cohen Commission petition

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Fisheries Minister's weak response to salmon inquiry petition
Fisheries Minister Gail Shea thinks everything is A-ok with DFO (Chris Wattie/Reuters)

I registered the first Environmental Petition (a protocol, not list of names) on the Cohen Report with the federal Auditor General late last fall, and have received the first reply from Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO). My request was specific, technical, and DFO was required to respond in 120 days – and it did! – on the last day, March 26, 2014.

Here is what I asked:

[quote]1. It is one year since the $26.4 Million Cohen Commission on Decline of Fraser River Sockeye delivered its report to DFO. One year later, I would like to know: What concrete results, and detail them individually, with associated timelines and funding that DFO has committed or expensed to resolve each of the 75 environmental recommendations in the three volume Cohen Report on the Decline of Fraser River Sockeye. The recommendations are pages 105 – 115, of Volume 3. I am speaking of the boldfaced recommendations and the concrete results DFO has taken to achieve each of the 75 recommendations that can also be found in a Cohen PDF of Chapter 2, Volume Three.[/quote]

You will note the important phrase: concrete results and the specifics in red above. I asked for concrete details, concrete funding commitments, concrete numbers of people committed, timelines achieved and individual responses to each and every Cohen recommendation. All 75.

Read the rest of my petition here.

Read what I got back:

It is non-specific mush designed to anaesthetize and give the impression of a potentially plausible positive possibility, while committing, not so much. I used to work for government and it was my job to generate the same milquetoast so everyone got the same story every single time.

So in ‘themes’, here are Gail Shea’s first words:

[quote]Theme: Mandate

Related to Recommendations 1, 2 and 3

The roles and responsibilities of the Minister and the Department of Fisheries and Oceans with respect to decisions related to fisheries management and fish habitat within federal jurisdiction are clearly communicated to First Nations, other governments and stakeholders. This includes making conservation the first priority in the delivery of regulatory responsibilities.[/quote]

Really? Sorry, Gail, but on recommendations 1, 2 and 3, Cohen says that the weakening of the Fisheries Act and the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, removed a lot of the DFO minister’s ultimate authority (Volume 3, Chapter 3). I would add that if ‘conservation’, was a primary concern, DFO would have taken fish farms out of the water a long time ago.

Justice Cohen: Harper govt weakened fish protections

Cohen goes on to say the ‘omnibus’ bill changes weakened habitat restoration… and even if it hadn’t that DFO doesn’t have the money and people to do much, even though its Wild Salmon Policy says it must. Cohen notes that in seven years since generating the policy, DFO has gotten nowhere on implementation. Testifying, the western director could not confirm any action in the next 2 to five years, as in, the Wild Salmon Policy is off the table, even though Shea says it is not.

In the inconvenient evidence – Cohen evidence is that rare text where once on the record, it is there as incontrovertible fact forever – Cohen notes, among other things, that changes to the Fisheries Act took it from being very strong legislation for environmental protection for salmon and made it the weakest legislation.

DFO’s conflict of interest

Furthermore, DFO has (Volume 3, Chapter 2, P 11) internal confusion on doing conservation work. And its Science Branch spends too much time and resources on clients like the Canadian Food Inspection Agency that have no conservation need. So the legislation is bad, the money is bad, and the focus is bad.

Cohen goes on to say in recommendation 2 that DFO should be stripped of its conflict of interest in supporting fish farms and should focus only on wild salmon. He said that DFO was spending more time and resources on the tiny fish farm sector (only 795 actual jobs) than on wild salmon in BC (P11), for Pete’s sake.

Furthermore, he said DFO should not put any fish farm in the water – nor leave any farm in the sea – if it can’t eliminate risks to wild salmon beforehand. The task falls to that confused, poorly funded Science Branch.

Aquaculture industry nets tax dollars for dead, diseased fish

You may recall that in Clayoquot Sound there are 22 fish farms. We, the taxpayer, paid Norwegian derivative fish farms $5.56 million for their dead diseased fish last year in BC (over $50 Million across Canada). Near Tofino, there are only 501 wild chinook left in six streams and the Kennedy Lake sockeye run has been wiped out. This is where Dr. Kristi Miller found 25% of farmed chinook had the killer diseases ISA and HSMI. Little wonder there are no wild salmon left.

DFO likes to say it is following Cohen – that fish farm ‘moratorium’ in the Discovery Islands, for example – but it does not come clean that it set his terms of reference and limited him to only one species of salmon in only one river, the Fraser. What this means is that his report should be taken as applying to all of BC.

Cohen zeroes in on fish farms

In Cohen’s complete list of 75 recommendations, the first 22 regard fish farms, that’s how big a problem he considers them. And Shea has not instituted the western director general Cohen called for to cover wild salmon and habitat restoration. The rest of her answers are the same bland stuff that we spent $26 Million to get. Wild BC salmon deserve more.

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David Suzuki: Don't blow off wind power

David Suzuki: Don’t blow off wind power

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David Suzuki: Don't blow off wind power

I have a cabin on Quadra Island off the British Columbia coast that’s as close to my heart as you can imagine. From my porch you can see clear across the waters of Georgia Strait to the snowy peaks of the rugged Coast Mountains. It’s one of the most beautiful views I have seen. And I would gladly share it with a wind farm.

Sometimes it seems I’m in the minority. Across Europe and North America, environmentalists and others are locking horns with the wind industry over farm locations. In Canada, opposition to wind installations has sprung up from Nova Scotia to Ontario to Alberta to B.C. In the U.K., more than 100 national and local groups, led by some of the country’s most prominent environmentalists, have argued wind power is inefficient, destroys the ambience of the countryside and makes little difference to carbon emissions. And in the U.S., the Cape Wind Project, which would site 130 turbines off the coast of affluent Cape Cod, Massachusetts, has come under fire from famous liberals, including John Kerry and the late Sen. Edward Kennedy.

[quote]We can’t shout about the dangers of global warming and then turn around and shout even louder about the “dangers” of windmills.[/quote]

We can’t have it both ways

It’s time for some perspective. With the growing urgency of climate change, we can’t have it both ways. We can’t shout about the dangers of global warming and then turn around and shout even louder about the “dangers” of windmills. Climate change is one of the greatest challenges humanity will face this century. Confronting it will take a radical change in the way we produce and consume energy – another industrial revolution, this time for clean energy, conservation and efficiency.

We’ve undergone such transformations before and we can again. But we must accept that all forms of energy have associated costs. Fossil fuels are limited in quantity, create vast amounts of pollution and contribute to climate change. Large-scale hydroelectric power floods valleys and destroys habitat. Nuclear power plants are expensive, create radioactive waste and take a long time to build.

Royal Society: Wind farms have ‘negligible’ impact on birds

Wind power also has its downsides. It’s highly visible and can kill birds. But any man-made structure (not to mention cars and house cats) can kill birds – houses, radio towers, skyscrapers. In Toronto alone, an estimated one million birds collide with the city’s buildings every year. In comparison, the risk to birds from well-sited wind farms is low. Even the U.K.’s Royal Society for the Protection of Birds says scientific evidence shows wind farms “have negligible impacts” on birds when they are appropriately located.

Improved technologies and more attention to wind farm placement can clearly reduce harm to birds, bats and other wildlife. Indeed, the real risk to flying creatures comes not from windmills but from a changing climate, which threatens the very existence of species and their habitats. Wind farms should always be subject to environmental-impact assessments, but a blanket “not in my backyard” approach is hypocritical and counterproductive.

Wind power costs comparable with other energy sources

Pursuing wind power as part of our move toward clean energy makes sense. Wind power has become the fastest-growing source of energy in the world, employing hundreds of thousands of workers. That’s in part because larger turbines and greater knowledge of how to build, install and operate them has dramatically reduced costs over the past two decades. Prices are now comparable to other forms of power generation and will likely decrease further as technology improves.

Eye of the beholder

But, are windmills ugly? Mostafa Tolba, executive director of the UN Environment Programme from 1976 to 1992, told me belching smokestacks were considered signs of progress when he was growing up in Egypt. Even as an adult concerned about pollution, it took him a long time to get over the pride he felt when he saw a tower pouring clouds of smoke.

Our perception of beauty is shaped by our values and beliefs. Some people think wind turbines are ugly. I think smokestacks, smog, acid rain, coal-fired power plants and climate change are ugly. I think windmills are beautiful. They harness the wind’s power to supply us with heat and light. They provide local jobs. They help clean air and reduce climate change.

And if one day I look out from my cabin porch and see a row of windmills spinning in the distance, I won’t curse them. I will praise them. It will mean we’re finally getting somewhere.

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Ajax Mine video featuring TRU dean unearths conflict

Ajax Mine video featuring TRU dean unearths conflict

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Lindsay Langill, dean of trades and technology at Thompson Rivers University (Photo: Ajax Project Youtube).
TRU’s dean of trades and technology is featured in an Ajax mine video (Youtube: Ajax Project )

The latest chapter in the controversial Ajax mine proposal planned for the edge of Kamloops, BC was released as a sleek corporate video titled “The Conversation” by mining company, KGHM International. “The Conversation” featured Lindsay Langill, the dean of trades and technology at Thompson Rivers University (TRU), where he publicly expressed his support for the Ajax mine project.

After the video was released earlier this month, TRU received many complaints about Langill’s statement in the video.   Discussing the benefits Ajax would provide for his trades students, Langill said :

[quote]If we step back and look at what can be gained by a project such as Ajax, I think that there are many, many opportunities that open themselves up. So we can tell our students, take your training with us, stay in Kamloops, British Columbia and make a difference within the community.[/quote]

The University’s Vice-President Advancement, Christopher Seguin, responded to the complaints about Langill’s appearance in third-party corporate marketing material, telling Kamloops this Week:

[quote]Participation of the school’s dean of trades and technology in a pro-Ajax mine video does not mean Thompson Rivers University is supporting the proposed project.[/quote]

The university may want to maintain a neutral stance on the Ajax mine proposal, but Langill voluntarily allowed himself to be identified as a TRU faculty member, which reflects upon the institution.

The video highlights the job openings Ajax mine would create, its care for the surrounding environment and its neighbourhood approach to the city of Kamloops residents.

Ajax Project – an open-pit copper-gold mine at the historic Ajax-Afton mine site that finished operation in 1997 – is being developed by KGHM International, a wholly-owned subsidiary of KGHM Polska Miedź S.A., a Polish company of which the Polish government owns 80 percent of its shares.

Earlier this month, KGHM announced a new target of March, 2015 for filing its formal application. The delay comes as concern over the environmental footprint of the mine that would be located on the border of Kamloops’ city limits prompted the company to modify its design.

Although this plan hasn’t been publicly unveiled by the company, external-affairs manager Yves Lacasse said the redesign will allow the mine’s infrastructure to move south, away from the city.

After barring users from embedding the video elsewhere, the company took down the original video earlier this week. It was then reposted yesterday.

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Out of the darkness, the light

Out of the darkness, the light

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Out of the darkness, the light

Nelson Mandela, who died last month at age 95, was sentenced to life in prison in 1962 because he fought for justice, equality and democracy. He was finally released 27 years later, in 1990. South Africa’s racist apartheid system fell and Mandela served as president from 1994 to 1999. The tributes after his death rightfully celebrated him as a forgiving, compassionate humanitarian and great leader.

Closer to home, on December 1, 1955, in Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks refused to obey a bus driver’s order to give up her seat to a white person. She was arrested for violating Alabama’s segregation law. It wasn’t the first challenge to U.S. racial policies and prejudice – it wasn’t even her first – and that act alone didn’t change laws and attitudes. But it catalyzed the civil rights movement that led to massive social change.

In Canada, in 1965, Everett George Klippert was sentenced to “indefinite” imprisonment for having sex with other men. Then-Justice Minister Pierre Trudeau later said, “There’s no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation,” and sexual activity between same-sex, consenting adults was decriminalized in 1969 (although Klippert was imprisoned until 1971). Now, same-sex couples can get married in Canada.

We pride ourselves on our democratic traditions, but in Canada, women couldn’t vote until 1918, Asians until 1948 and First Nations people living on reserves until 1960.

We’ve come a long way. It’s hard to fathom that such widespread, often state-sanctioned discrimination occurred so recently – much of it in my lifetime. My childhood memories include a time when the government confiscated my family’s possessions and exiled us to a camp in the B.C. Interior, just because my grandparents were from Japan.

We still have discrimination and many other problems, but these examples show change is possible – often quickly, after reaching a critical mass of public support. Studies show discrimination, murder and other violent crime rates and death from war have all declined over the years.

Throughout history, we’ve faced challenges and adapted to changing conditions. We’ve renounced practices that, in hindsight, seem foolish and often barbaric. We’ve overturned economic systems that no longer meet our needs or that our increasing wisdom tells us are destructive or immoral.

Often, resistance to calls for greater social justice or environmental protection is based on economics. When momentum to abolish slavery in the U.S. started building in the mid-1800s, many feared the economy would fail without free human labour. People fought a war over what they believed was a right to enslave, own and force other human beings to work under harsh conditions for free – in a democratic country!

U.S. President Ronald Reagan and U.K. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher opposed sanctions against apartheid South Africa in part because of concerns about trade. Fortunately, Canada’s Prime Minister Brian Mulroney stood firm on sanctions, despite pressure from his allies.

Economic arguments are also often used to stall environmental progress – something we’re seeing with climate change, and pipeline, mining and fossil fuel projects, among other issues. They were employed in the 1970s, when scientists found that chlorofluorocarbons, or CFCs, were contributing to a weakening of the ozone layer, which protects us from the sun’s rays. Despite opposition, world leaders signed the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer in 1987, and today, it’s starting to recover.

We now face many other global challenges in addition to regional ones. Our impacts have multiplied as population, trade and communications have grown to encompass the planet.

World events viewed in isolation may make it appear as though humanity is moving backward. We still suffer wars, unimaginable violence, prejudice, environmental devastation, foolish politicians, greedy industrialists and selfish individuals. But we also have new ways to communicate widely at lightning speed, wisdom acquired from millennia of experience and people everywhere reaching out to encourage respect and kindness for each other and all life sharing our planet.

Change is never easy and it often creates discord, but when people come together for the good of humanity and the Earth, we can accomplish great things. Those are the lessons from Nelson Mandela, Rosa Parks and all those who refuse to give up in the face of adversity when the cause they pursue is just and necessary.

Happy 2014!

With contributions from from David Suzuki Foundation Senior Editor Ian Hanington.

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Ex-Harper energy advisor slams Keystone XL pipeline promotion

Ex-Harper advisor slams Canada’s Keystone XL pipeline promotion

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Ex-Harper energy advisor slams Keystone XL pipeline promotion

WASHINGTON – A former Harper government appointee used a keynote speech at a Washington event Monday to trample Canadian authorities’ message on oil pipelines while describing the country as an environmental “rogue state.”

Mark Jaccard became one of the first people nominated by the Conservatives to the environmental file when he was named in 2006 to the federal government’s now-defunct National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy.

Seven years later, the environmental economist delivered a lengthy rebuke of Canada’s climate-change performance at Monday’s event while the Obama administration grapples with whether to approve the Alberta-U.S. pipeline.

Jaccard, an adviser to different governments and a professor at B.C.’s Simon Fraser University, said he doesn’t want the oilsands shut down — he just doesn’t want them to grow. Said Jaccard:

[quote]On climate, Canada is a rogue state. It’s accelerating the global tragedy … The U.S. government should reject Keystone XL and explain to the Canadian government that it hopes to join with Canada (on a global climate plan).[/quote]

That message stands in sharp contrast to that of the Canadian government, which has spent millions to publicize the benefits to both countries of developing the oilsands.

Jaccard was the headline speaker at a summit tied to a well-connected Democratic donor, the so-called “green billionaire” Tom Steyer, and attended by a number of U.S. media outlets.

Jaccard has become an increasingly bitter critic of the federal government. He was even arrested last year after joining a blockade on a train carrying U.S. coal from B.C.

His disenchantment with the Conservative government reached a boil after the 2011 election, Jaccard said in an interview after his speech.

He said he tried to work with the government — not only at the Round Table, but as an adviser to then-environment minister Rona Ambrose. But after the Conservatives won a majority in 2011, the rhetoric hardened, the Round Table vanished and it became clear they had no interest in tackling climate change, Jaccard said.

“In 2011, the gloves came off.”

In his career as an author, academic, and adviser to different governments since the Mulroney era, Jaccard also criticized the Liberals for a climate approach he still derides as a “labels-on-fridges-and-Rick-Mercer-ads” strategy to encourage behaviour changes.

More drastic policies are in order, he told his audience: greenhouse-gas emissions need to drop 50 to 75 per cent by 2050 to limit temperature growth to a 2C target — an impossible task with a growing oilpatch, Jaccard said.

The event, and the choice of location, were designed to arm-twist the Obama administration as it faces its Keystone dilemma.

It was held in Georgetown, where President Barack Obama delivered a speech in June saying Keystone would not be approved if it significantly increases greenhouse-gas emissions.

The title of the event was, “Can Keystone Pass The President’s Climate Test?” One speaker after another suggested that, no, Keystone cannot be approved without a significant increase in carbon pollution as a result.

In the hallways, the many Obama supporters speculated about when the long-awaited decision might come down. And some suggested they’ve become increasingly hopeful the project will be blocked, given Obama’s choice of words.

Former Michigan governor Jennifer Granholm even allowed herself to daydream about what an eventual presidential rejection speech might sound like. A decision is expected in early 2014.

“I think he could deliver a speech that could give him a legacy he would be proud of,” Granholm, the event moderator, said from the stage.

Earlier, Steyer described Keystone as a logical investment for the oil industry that would drive up the value of Canadian oil and ramp up development — which is precisely why he believes it shouldn’t be allowed to proceed.

“(Keystone) is a literal and a figurative line in the sands,” Steyer said. “Keystone is the economic key to unlocking the tarsands and, as such, it fails the president’s test.”

The other side of the Keystone debate was not represented at the event. TransCanada boss Russ Girling (TSX:TRP) and Gary Doer, Canada’s ambassador to the U.S., both declined to attend.

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New dam planned for St. Lawrence River

New hydro project planned for St. Lawrence River

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New dam planned for St. Lawrence River

BECANCOUR, Que. – The Quebec government is helping to bankroll a $130-million project by RER Hydro, Hydro-Quebec and Boeing to generate clean energy on the St. Lawrence River, in what officials say would be the world’s largest river-generated turbine farm. The three-phase project could eventually culminate in nine megawatts of renewable power being generated in Montreal from 46 turbines that would be installed in 2016. The province could contribute up to $85 million on top of the $3 million it already spent for the initial $23 million testing phase.

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The Rite of Summer, Fall, Winter and Spring

The Rite of Summer, Fall, Winter and Spring

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The Rite of Summer, Fall, Winter and Spring
Rite of Spring composer Igor Stravinsky with painting by Henri Matisse

This year marks the hundredth anniversary of the first performance of Igor Stravinsky’s The Rite of Spring. The event in Paris on May 29, 1913, was a watershed moment for classical music, an evening of seemingly cacophonous noise that redefined our human character, presaged the barbarous decades to come, and reshaped our understanding of nature. Indeed, the performance — first presented as a ballet — was so pivotal in the history of Western culture and thought that everyone with even a modest interest in personal insight and cultural awareness should hear and feel the transformational power of its music.

The Rite of Spring was certainly a surprise for its first audience. They were expecting something elegant, refined, traditional, melodic, sonorous and civilized. Instead they got the opposite. The dancers moved like automatons and insects, gyrating and jerking, twisting and pouncing like primitive creatures possessed by atavistic urges. The music was often visceral and penetrating, a piercing staccato of dissonance that seemed alien. But it also seemed uncomfortably familiar, as if it were speaking to an unacknowledged self or awakening a suppressed awareness that even our deepest honesty was afraid to reveal.

Accounts of the audience’s reaction varied widely, possibly because the chaos and confusion were just too much to record as a coherent description. By general agreement, the first performance provoked a near riot. Booing and shouting nearly drowned the sound of the huge orchestra, forcing the choreographer to rush on stage to beat the tempo so the dancers could continue. Throwable objects rained down on the performers. One man in the audience was reported to be using his fists to beat the rhythm on the head of the gentleman in front of him. The police were called. One Parisian critic called it “a wreckage of the past, crawling with and eaten away by familiar and monstrous forms of life.” So the first performance of The Rite of Spring struggled to its conclusion and into the annals of cultural history.

Indeed, The Rite of Spring was revolutionary. Granted, other composers had been experimenting with similar atonality before Stravinsky’s creation. A year later, after the shock of the premier had subsided and a more accepting audience attended the next performance, it was received with great applause and cheers. Stravinsky then spent another 34 years editing the score into an orchestral piece, the form in which it is now performed for audiences who are more accepting of its declaration and prescience.

And The Rite of Spring was prescient. The First World War broke out a year after its premier. Then a series of international crises that followed for the next half century, underscoring the dark brutality lurking just beneath humanity’s facade of respectability. Perhaps Stravinsky was part of an artistic awareness that the Canadian media guru Marshall McLuhan referred to as an “Early Warning System”.

If Stravinsky revealed something of our previously unacknowledged character, he also revealed something about nature. It is not, as the Romantic poets and philosophers thought, a wise, maternalistic and benign force that is worthy of worship. Instead, it is primitive, wild, powerful, impersonal and amoral. It is also impartial and dispassionate. The declaration in The Rite of Spring is that we are as much a part of it as it is a part of us. We are not necessarily considerate, rational or predictable. The rules of our co-existence with nature are unequivocal and unforgiving. We either live by them or we risk the retribution of consequences that are issued with the cool and simple indifference of a cause having an effect. In the dance of life, other creatures from microbes and virus to elephants and whales must also follow the same steps to survive.

This is the grande ballet, the biggest and most complicated dance on the planet. It is a rite not just of spring but of every season, whether it be hot or cold, wet or dry. Everything is choreographed in incredible detail, and all the dancers are required to know the movements or they perish in the induced frenzy, trampled by the gyrations, jerks, twists and pounces of the others. The steps are intricate and demanding. The punishment is swift and uncaring.

Such a view of nature is sobering. But it is also realistic — perhaps honest to the point of being painful. The Rite of Spring in Stravinsky’s rendition is not the Divine Garden given to humanity for our dominion and use. It is not a hierarchy of lower to higher or inferior to superior, a decreed order where some are designed to serve and others are designed to be served. Instead, it is a place of species equality where each plays its role in a great and sustaining system that requires all the multiplicity of its components to function well. Every part is subject to the same rules of physics, chemistry and biology. The sound may seem discordant, the tonality grating. But the chaos is order, the cacophony is harmony, and the primitive is sophisticated. Remove parts, tamper with the design, and the great semblance of order merely reorganizes itself without hesitation, without caring for consequences.

As Stravinsky’s The Rite of Spring was attempting to illustrate in music and ballet a hundred years ago, nature is neither humane nor sympathetic. We should know this in our bones because — since our inception as conscious and purposeful beings — we have been struggling to safeguard our interests against the impersonal threats of disease, inclemency, hardship and surprise. For the most part, we have been remarkably successful in our efforts. What is now becoming obvious, however, is that this success has made us important choreographers in the grande ballet of life on Earth. Our great performance on the planet’s stage now depends very much on the way we design the steps. Too many wrong moves and the result could be memorable chaos.

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