Tag Archives: featured

Rafe: Clark govt in over its head with big LNG players like Petronas

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Photo: Tina Lovgreen / BCIT Commons
Photo: Tina Lovgreen / BCIT Commons

Many long years ago, when I was in first year Law, we learned a case called the Carbolic Smoke Ball case. This involved a patent medicine and great claims were made for its virtues. There was a lawsuit because a user of this patent medicine was not satisfied with the result, which he said was nil. This was apropos in those days, since in B.C. we were constantly exhorted to buy Dodds Kidney Pills, which had nothing to do with kidneys, and Carter’s Little Liver Pills, which had dick-all to do with livers.

The court drew the distinction between statements by advertisers to be taken seriously and what it called “mere puffery”.

I got to thinking about this in political terms. Obviously politicians, the more so the closer they get to an election, indulge in a lot of “mere puffery”. They also make statements which are intended to be taken seriously. The trick is, which is which?

The fib that won the election

Clearly the statements made by Premier Clark prior to the last election about the so-called “Prosperity Fund” and LNG plants galore were well beyond “mere puffery”. She got very specific and not only were we to have all our debts paid off but the fund itself would hold $100 billion, later reduced to simply billions of dollars and now, I understand, $1 billion.

Needless to say, all of these figures were preposterous, no matter how successful the premier’s LNG undertakings were.

We were also to have an LNG plant in place by 2015.

I think one can argue that the election was won on these promises, along with the vague promise that business would be good under the Liberals and bad under the NDP. The premier engaged Brad Bennett – son of and grandson of – to help her spread this message and she snatched victory from the jaws of defeat by so doing.

The LNG mystery

There is nothing wrong, and a lot right, with a government having a policy. This policy, however, must be clearly spelled out so that the public can follow its progress. I must say that the policy of LNG plants is something I have long had great doubts about, however I am not the government and I am not making the policy.

Apart from the fact that any LNG policy is opposed by a great many, including myself, on environmental grounds, it’s main sin is that nobody knows what it is. This uncertainty has been compounded not only by the mythical Prosperity Fund but the mysterious process, if there is one, by which LNG projects will come to British Columbia.

Petronas and that pesky “red tape”

The latest debacle with Petronas, the Malaysian energy giant, simply proves the point.

Petronas seems to make it clear that it cannot live with the terms proposed by the BC government, especially its proposed 7% tax. This objection was made very publicly by the CEO, Mr. Abbas, leaving in the minds of most of us no doubt but that the company was on the brink of pulling out. Moreover, Mr. Abbas made it abundantly clear that Petronas was not interested in any environmental regulations whatsoever. (Industry usually refers to such regulations as “red tape”.)

This event was shunted aside by the premier and her minister, saying that Petronas was merely negotiating in public, that all was well, and that in no time the government and Petronas would be holding a celebration.

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In reading the statement by Petronas’ CEO, I was struck by the objection to  environmental regulations and my thoughts raced to the Mount Polley Mine disaster.

To large companies,”red tape” means regulations that make them behave themselves. This raises the question as to whether or not the province was being called upon to allow Petronas to do as it pleased, meaning that we could look forward to the kind of disaster we saw with Mount  Polley.

Lessons from Mount Polley

In that case, we now know that there were known problems with the burst dam for years before the tragedy and that nothing was done. Nothing was done by the company but more importantly by the British Columbia Ministry of Mines. That they had power to do something is clear – that they failed to do so is likewise clear. Even, it seems, regulations in place don’t prevent governments on the take from industry from ignoring them.

Are we being played?

What this all raises is the question, “just what the hell is going on?” Surely the public is entitled to know what the terms are for LNG plants coming to British Columbia – not just the financial terms but the environmental terms as well. Are we expected to forego environmental protections? What are the taxes that Petronas and others will be expected to pay? Is the 7% tax a fixed tax? What value does it offer if they can deduct their tens of billions of dollars in plant and pipeline costs before paying out a penny to taxpayers? Is such a tax in accordance with industry norms? If not, what is? Are we in fact being whipsawed by Petronas and others as they play off Australia, the United States and British Columbia against one another?

The “F” word

I hate to raise this but there is an elephant in the room that no one seems to want to acknowledge. It is called fracking – the controversial method of gas extraction that would supply the feedstock for BC LNG.

We have embarked upon fracking in British Columbia as an accepted policy with a minimal amount of investigation. Industry and the government choose to ignore that it is an extremely dangerous practice under the best of circumstances and that the damage done and the costs incurred vastly outweigh any of the benefits to be derived. As we read about government negotiations, the word fracking never seems to appear.

Such as we know them, the facts of the Christy Clark LNG policy would indicate that the government are, at best, bumblers in a game where the other side is used to winning and has all latest tricks up its sleeve.

In other words, in the government of British Columbia, the premier and her ministers are in this huge and complicated business way over their heads.

 

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Suzuki- Site C Dam would swamp First Nations treaty rights

Suzuki: Site C Dam would swamp First Nations’ treaty rights

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First Nations and farmers join forces at the 2012 "Paddle for the Peace" to oppose Site C Dam (photo: Damien Gillis)
First Nations and farmers join forces at “Paddle for the Peace” to oppose Site C (Damien Gillis)

B.C. First Nations chiefs recently travelled to Ottawa to urge the federal government to pull the plug on the costliest infrastructure project in the country. At an estimated $7.9 billion and growing, the proposed Site C Dam on the beautiful Peace River in northeastern B.C. has been criticized for spiralling costs, questions about whether the electricity it would produce is even needed, and concerns about the environmental and social impacts of flooding thousands of hectares of prime farmland, irreplaceable cultural sites and wildlife habitat. The government is expected to make a decision in October.

[quote]If built, Site C would violate First Nations’ rights under Treaty 8, rendering them irrelevant to the point of mockery.[/quote]

Treaty 8 rights at risk

First-Nations-to-Ottawa--Scrap-Site-C-Dam-or-LNG-is-a-no-go
BC Chiefs Roland Wilson, Liz Logan and Stewart Phillip taking Site C opposition to Ottawa (Liz Logan/ Twitter)

While in Ottawa, First Nations leaders also reminded politicians that the Peace River Valley is the traditional territory of the Dane-zaa, and Canada has clear obligations to them under the 1899 Treaty 8. Years of case law, as well as the recent Supreme Court of Canada Tsilhqot’in decision, confirm that First Nations must have a say on industrial development on their lands.

If built, Site C would violate First Nations’ rights under Treaty 8, rendering them irrelevant to the point of mockery. Treaty 8 guarantees First Nations the right to hunt and fish “for as long as the sun shines, the rivers flow and the grass grows.” But are treaty promises even worth the paper they’re written on when hunting grounds will be drowned under water, moose populations decimated and fish contaminated with toxic methyl mercury from decaying vegetation?

Site C would also obliterate hundreds of graves and ceremonial sites, and so hinder cultural and traditional practices. Hunting, fishing, collecting medicinal plants and visiting sacred sites are activities by which First Nations maintain their cultural and spiritual identity and connection to the land. How long will Treaty 8 First Nations be able to sustain a vibrant, living culture when the dam devastates their land and communities?

“Significant adverse effects”

These questions are not hypothetical. A Joint Review Panel, convened by the federal and B.C. governments, concluded Site C would significantly harm Treaty 8 First Nations. The panel found the dam would have “significant adverse effects” on fishing, hunting and trapping, and on other traditional land uses — and not just in B.C., but downstream where the Peace River enters Alberta. According to the panel, most of these adverse effects would be impossible to mitigate.

Peace Valley’s unique natural assets

In standing up for the Peace Valley and saying “no” to the Site C Dam, Treaty 8 First Nations’ leaders are acting not only on their own behalf, but also for other Canadians, including local farming communities with which they have co-existed for generations. Together, these rural communities are reminding the government and the rest of us that the Peace Valley offers immense bounty and natural wealth through fishing, hunting and potential for food production, and is too valuable to be sacrificed for industrial development.

A recent study by David Suzuki Foundation economists also found that, each year, the Peace River Valley and surrounding areas provide billions of dollars in beneficial ecological services like pollination, water filtration and flood control.

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The Peace Valley has productive soils and a unique microclimate ideally suited to producing a wide range of crops. According to three senior agricultural experts who testified before the Joint Review Panel, the east-west Peace River Valley’s deep alluvial soils, long northern daylight in the growing season and microclimate for agriculture could produce fruits and vegetables to meet the nutritional needs of over a million people a year!

The California drought this past summer reminds us that relying on imported food makes us vulnerable. B.C. already imports over 57 per cent of the fresh vegetables British Columbians consume each year, much of which could be grown in the province. The situation is similar elsewhere in Canada.

Recent court cases are a wake-up call for politicians. When it comes to decisions that could irrevocably affect them, the days of running roughshod over First Nations are over. B.C.’s Treaty 8 First Nations have already borne the brunt of decades of industrial development on their lands, including two earlier Peace River dams. They have also found common cause with local communities fighting to save family farms and ranches.

Building the Site C Dam and flooding the Peace Valley would be more than folly; it would be a tragedy for First Nations, agriculture and the environment.

Written with contributions from David Suzuki Foundation Ontario and Northern Canada Director-General Faisal Moola.

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World-Class BC LNG brings Third World deals with likes of Petronas

“World-Class” BC LNG brings Third World deals with likes of Petronas

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World-Class BC LNG brings Third World deals with likes of Petronas
Most of Petronas CEO Abbas and BC Premier Clark’s discussions have been behind closed doors

It’s possible that the majority of British Columbians would agree with developing our natural gas resources – even for export – if our own energy security was guaranteed, the economic benefits accrued to British Columbians and we did it all in such a way that we are able to maintain our international reputation as an environmental leader and awe-inspiring tourist destination.

However, contrary to the BC Liberal election campaign rhetoric, the government’s LNG development model offers none of this and with the Malaysian state- owned behemoth Petronas as their lead proponent, it’s guaranteed we will reach none of these objectives.

‘World-Class’ rhetoric ushers in Third World-style deals

Christy Clark has made of lot of claims to maintain her hold on BCs most powerful office, chief among them has been the bold but baseless proclamation that her government will erase BC’s fast burgeoning debt and fill a 100 Billion-dollar “Prosperity Fund” by developing our resources in nothing less than “world-class” fashion.

However, while such soundbites may win election campaigns in the developed world, the facts prove that the Clark government’s public narrative is thoroughly divorced from the Third World-style backroom reality that has been driving the BC Liberal LNG negotiation style.

But we have been calling them out for years

Here at The Common Sense Canadian, I have been drilling down to deconstruct the details of the Clark/Coleman public narrative as they have unfolded for years now.

We were the first to report that Coleman was negotiating these deals under non-disclosure agreements and we broke down each of the most outlandish “BC Liberal LNG Myths” here and here.

We were also the first to dissect the Harper-approved, Goliath 25-year, $400 billion export deal that was quietly ushered in for Petronas while the media focus was on Enbridge’s Northern Gateway heavy oil pipeline proposal and tar sands expansion under foreign state-owned enterprises (SOE).

At the time, we exposed how Petronas moved to dominate the BC LNG landscape as Stephen Harper offered hollow assurances about foreign SOEs not owning and controlling too much of our domestic resources, all while our own crown corporations were being hobbled and scrapped.

Now, at the eleventh hour as it relates to the fiscal and legislative framework for LNG, it is time to counter Petronas and their “Hard Ball” tactics with some hard ball of our own and not simply rely on the softball antics and deceptive backroom shenanigans of the Clark and Harper regimes.

Petronas ain’t no saint

Idris Shuhud at the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court in 2013 (BERNAMA)
Petronas employee Idris Shuhud at Kuala Lumpur court, 2013

In recent years, while Petronas was topping out as the most profitable Asian company on record, according to the Fortune 500, they were also becoming mired in several corruption cases – including a series of indictments brought by the US Department of Justice in 2009 for foreign bribery conspiracy.

Another case, announced by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission in 2013, involved two senior Petronas employees charged with money laundering and taking bribes in connection with a pipeline deal. Then, earlier this year, Petronas subsidiary MISC was implicated in a global corruption scandal stretching over 6 years and centering on Dutch company SBC Offshore.

In fact, corruption has been so rampant that the company was forced to develop exhaustive, internal anti-corruption policies to regain credibility. This was all happening at the same time Coleman was signing non-disclosure agreements to begin negotiations on BC LNG.

Since adopting anti-corruption measures and negotiating with BC behind closed doors, Petronas has done deals in Chad – a failed state considered to be of the world’s most corrupt – and signed an agreement with Mexico the same day they threatened to pull out of BC. This despite Mexico’s infamous levels of corruption and inability to keep drug cartels out of their publicly-owned oil and gas infrastructure, as detailed here by VICE News.

So, with a simple google search, we can detect a pattern of corrupt deals done in backrooms, while PR outfits and social license machines manipulate public opinion. Yet in BC, this is apparently the path to “prosperity.”

Foreign trade and investment deals compound threat to BC

The Harper government recently ratified two significant agreements that will impact BC LNG in profound ways with more to come. The FIPPA and South Korea Trade agreements top a long list of MOUs and Letters of Intent that has thoroughly defined how LNG will unfold here in BC for more than a generation.

And that is just the public face of these complex, far-reaching deals. Coleman and his backroom, Third World-style, “confidential” negotiations no doubt involve myriad ugly details – many of which we will never know.

Here is what we do know

Montney wells
2013 ministry drilling figures for BC’s biggest gas play, the Montney Shale. Companies in red both owned by Petronas

Despite Coleman’s non-disclosure agreements, we are able to ascertain some details of the colossal, unprecedented multi-billion dollar fleecing we are about to “lock in” for generations.

BC has already publicly committed to being one of the world’s lowest cost…errr… “most competitive” jurisdictions on earth. We are already reaping the lowest royalty rates in the world. But apparently that is not good enough for the Malaysian government-owned Petronas, which has been historically responsible for up to 50% of that country’s total operating revenue.

The tax rate proposed for exporting LNG will only apply after all costs have been recouped by Petronas and all other LNG proponents. But even then, the rate will be a paltry “up to” 7%, which may start rolling into provincial coffers 3 election cycles after Clark/Coleman promised.

Clark/Coleman are also somehow magically responsible for not only provincial taxation rates but federal export taxes as well, while at the same time imposing caps on the ability of regional and municipal governments to recoup fees and taxation. Gotta love those smoky backrooms.

The BC Liberal government has also committed to allowing LNG proponents to burn natural gas to power LNG facilities, despite longstanding promises and legislation to thwart climate change and meet reduction targets. Moreover, no certainty exists around whether or not provincial taxes will apply or if the much-ballyhooed BC carbon tax will be charged.

Petronas has already secured investment and offtake contracts from India, China, Brunei and Japan. In doing so, they recouped their original 5 billion-dollar-plus investment to takeover Progress Energy and dominate the BC LNG landscape.

Petronas is now seeking up to $15 billion in debt financing to build out their estimated $9-11 billion dollar coastal LNG plant and supporting $5 billion dollar pipeline infrastructure – which would be the largest debt financing deal in our country’s history.

Meanwhile, Petronas has undertaken the single largest drilling expedition in BC history to prove out reserves for LNG export.

Why BC should tell Petronas to get stuffed

Since Harper approved the Petronas takeover of Progress Energy, on a Friday night in 2012, Petronas has displayed why they are the most successful Asian player in this game.

They have secured enough long-term, international investment in our BC fracking fields to recoup the entirety of their original takeover investment – while ensuring they maintain controlling interest – and are still seeking yet another partner in their 400 billion-dollar BC export deal, to reach the 49% share they stated was their international investment target.

They have already long supplied huge markets like Japan, which has historically made up 60% of their LNG offtake agreements, and has partnered with them on this BC LNG scheme.

The deals they have already arranged are of great benefit to foreign-owned SOEs the world over and the debt financing they seek ensures that international trading and financing houses will receive a bigger piece of the BC LNG pie than Coleman has negotiated for BC, with his paltry tax rate for at least the next decade, maybe two.

Petronas requires a secure, long-term supply of oil and natural gas/LNG as their domestic supply is dwindling fast, forcing them to cut deals with dubious regimes in Chad and make unsavoury deals with Mexico.

In other words, BC is vital to their future success and will secure their business plans for decades.  As a result, we – the BC public – have them over a barrel, so to speak, but Clark and Coleman have so poorly positioned us that we are not only showing our hand but seem prepared to give away the farm simply to deliver on a deal promised during an election campaign.

The reason Petronas is able to “play hard ball” is because Coleman/Clark and Harper have delayed what should be simple taxation regimes which they have long promised yet failed to deliver – repeatedly. This despite basing their entire economic agenda on oil and gas development, while sitting in backrooms, negotiating these very details with these same companies for years, by their own admission.

All of which means British Columbians and Canadians as a whole are completely dependent on a handful of powerful political players negotiating our destiny under non-disclosure agreements with no accountability, no terms of reference or mandate, and no reason to deliver for average people. It’s just like any Third World country – or Malaysia, for that matter, where the citizens see no appreciable benefits trickling down to improve their quality of life or standard of living.

It’s time British Columbians wake up to these realities – our future depends on it.

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Greenwash king Patrick Moore turns climate change denier

Greenwash King Patrick Moore sews seeds of climate change doubt

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Greenwash king Patrick Moore turns climate change denier
Greenpeace co-founder-turned-greenwasher extraordinaire Patrick Moore

I hesitate to give the man any more publicity.

Patrick Moore, a former environmentalist and now a constant and consistent spokesman for right-wing causes, had an article on the op-ed page of the Vancouver Province, September 24th edition. In it, he denies the worldwide scientific opinion that global warming here, driven by humans, and a deadly serious problem. The Province, in my view, has become the leading journal of the right and regularly publishes the Canadian Taxpayers’ Federation and the Fraser Institute so Moore is a natural for them.

A long way from Greenpeace

Moore has been utterly inactive in environmental matters for years – in fact, being an unspoken foe of those who are. This particularly includes Captain Paul Watson who has, with unbelievable courage, done so much to save whales and other mammals in our oceans. Moore bills himself as an environmentalist, which is Orwellian in the extreme and makes true environmentalists want to retch.

Moore plays on claims that he was a founder of Greenpeace (though this is disputed), a director of Greenpeace Canada and of Greenpeace International. This is somewhat like Satan reminding us that before he was tossed out, he was once a colleague of the Saints in heaven.

In fact, Moore was made unwelcome both at the Canadian and the International level and has been persona non grata ever since.

Moore was last in the news for criticizing the president of Greenpeace International for using airplanes for travel while he, Moore, regularly uses cruise ships to make lectures, and money – cruise ships themselves being a major consumer of fossil fuels.

Downplaying human-caused climate change

The pith and substance of Moore’s article is that there is doubt that global warming is actually taking place. He trots down the usual path, referring to times before the Ice Age and that sort of thing.

What Moore ignores is that since the Industrial Revolution, and particularly for the last hundred years, humankind, both socially and industrially, has dumped ever-increasing amounts of waste into the atmosphere. This makes the situation today vastly different then it was in the years gone by to which Moore refers. One is tempted to think that, given Moore’s self-proclaimed expertise and glibness, this is a deliberate oversight.

Sewing seeds of doubt

Moore then moves into the area of the law in talking about “doubt”. He clearly assumes that if any sort of doubt is raised about a proposition, it must fail.

This is not what standards of proof are all about and the standard cannot be the mere raising of doubt.

We have two choices as to standard of proof required. In civil cases it is called “balance of probabilities”, whereas in criminal cases it is “reasonable doubt” – a much heavier onus.

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The question of global warming has to be, of course, subject to standards of proof, as are all allegations that cannot be proved beyond any doubt whatsoever. But if mere doubt were the standard in criminal law, for example, there would be very few ever convicted of a crime. Any good criminal lawyer will tell you that he can raise a “doubt” in the most flagrant of circumstances.

It can even be raised about a man with a gun in his hand standing over a corpse. Even though the man with the gun is demonstrated to have been a bitter enemy of the deceased, a “doubt” can always be raised.

Criminal law sets the standard at “reasonable” doubt. This is surely the standard we must set with respect to global warming.

The science is clear

The scientific community has been investigating this issue very closely for decades. All the doubters, like Moore, have been heard and their arguments more than met. The result by 2014 is a very clear. Beyond a reasonable doubt, climate change is with us, with disastrous consequences for now and the future.

We, the general public, sit as a common jury assessing the evidence before us. We must decide whether or not the virtually unanimous opinion of the scientific community is to be preferred over the bleatings of Patrick Moore and his ilk.

What’s the harm in tackling climate change?

Another way of looking at this is: What if the scientific community is wrong? In that most unlikely event, we will have cleaned up our air and established a far healthier  atmosphere in the world. Surely that would be a very good thing, no matter what impact warming was having.

On the other hand, if we follow Moore, and he is wrong, we have exacerbated in the extreme the catastrophe which faces us.

Patrick Moore is entitled to his opinions and, of course, The Province is entitled to be a shill for neo-lib views – but in evaluating Moore’s opinions one must remember where he is coming from. This former environmentalist is now a proponent of nuclear, supports the tar sands, pipelines, and tanker traffic carrying bitumen.

As that juror, I have no trouble deciding for the scientific community and that Moore has no credibility.

Patrick Moore is likeable and glib but, on a balance of probabilities, dead wrong.

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BC should not be bullied by Petronas over LNG taxes

BC should not be bullied or suckered by Petronas over LNG taxes

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BC should not be bullied by Petronas over LNG taxes
Petronas CEO Shamsul Abbas addressing BC LNG conference (Damien Gillis)

News this morning that Malaysian energy giant Petronas is considering pulling out of the nascent BC LNG industry over the taxes the province wishes to collect from its gas resources called to mind a legendary story about Tommy Douglas when he was premier of Saskatchewan.

I cannot attest to whether the tale is true or apocryphal, but it’s certainly instructive to British Columbians in this particular situation. It goes like this:

After meeting with oil tycoons considering doing business in the province and trying to secure a royalty and investment climate beneficial to their interests, Premier Douglas emerged from the closed-door gathering, whereupon several reporters asked him how it went.

“Well, I’ve got some bad news and some good news,” Douglas told the press.

[quote]The bad news is the oil companies are leaving…The good news is they’re leaving the oil behind.[/quote]

Douglas was right. The resource wasn’t going anywhere – and no sense developing it unless its owners (the citizens of the province – how often forget this) stand to get their fair share.

If market prices or the costs of extraction don’t allow for that, then we can always leave it in the ground until such time as they do.

Flash forward to present-day BC and a familiar pattern is repeating itself. The oil and gas industry wants our resources, but they don’t want to pay for them. Whether BC Premier Christy Clark has the fortitude and vision of Douglas remains to be seen.

Petronas threatens to take its ball and go home

The latest round of fretting over the future of BC’s yet-to-be-built LNG industry derives from some tough posturing in the Financial Post by Petronas CEO Shamsul Abbas, who is threatening to cancel the company’s planned development of a gas pipeline and LNG plant in Prince Rupert.

Among Abbas’ chief complaints are delays in regulatory approvals, the province’s intended export tax for LNG – the basis for its wild-eyed election promise of a $100 Billion “Prosperity Fund” to pay down our sizeable provincial debt – and a “lack of appropriate incentives.”

Said Abbas to the Post, in advance of an expected visit with Premier Clark next week:

[quote]Rather than ensuring the development of the LNG industry through appropriate incentives and assurance of legal and fiscal stability, the Canadian landscape of LNG development is now one of uncertainty, delay and short vision. [/quote]

What does he have to complain about?

Now, let us decode Mr. Abbas’ comments. What, exactly, is he seeking for his company, in order to do business in BC?

First of all, Mr. Abbas doesn’t want to be regulated. “Don’t kill the goose before it lays the golden egg,” he told a global LNG conference hosted in Vancouver by the Liberal government earlier this year.

Petronas-Missing Skeena River
Petronas’ original project map – sans Skeena

And I don’t mean that he doesn’t want too much regulation. He wants none. In the early stages of the company’s application for an $11 Billion LNG plant – situated in the middle of critical salmon habitat in the Skeena River Estuary – the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency suggested it may not require any environmental assessment at all.

This for a project that could “collapse” wild salmon stocks in BC’s second most important salmon river, according to SFU Assistant Professor Jonathan Moore.

When its bid to slide under the environmental assessment radar failed, the company appears to have come up with another ingenious method for avoiding regulation: It erased the Skeena River and estuary from its project maps. Of course, this was later put down to a simple “data error” – but the furor over the incident led to an extended public comment window for the project – which, naturally, Mr. Abbas must have thought deeply unfair. Is this any way to treat a potential investor of billions into BC’s economy?!

But are they really “investing” – or, as we’ve documented in these pages, have we simply given them a massive, sweetheart deal on our gas, via a 25-year export licence and the cheapest royalties in the world? More on that later.

Other regulatory goodies

An easy ride from environmental assessors is far from the only regulatory perk this industry has tried to secure.

We learned recently from the Canadian Press that the controversial, aborted attempt to cancel all future environmental assessments for sweet gas plants in BC was driven by the oil and gas lobby, CAPP.

Moreover, in buying up Talisman Energy earlier this year, Pertronas obtained a licence to 7.3 billion litres of fresh water a year from our public Williston Reservoir for its fracking operations in northeast BC. This licence was quietly awarded by the ministry in 2011 without public consultation – and amounts to a massive giveaway of water, pillaged from our public dam, before it can be converted into electricity.

And when Petronas ran into trouble over its plans to plough a pipeline through a provincial park and important grizzly bear sanctuary, we simply changed the Parks Act for them.

Of course, all these provincial goodies come on top of unprecedented federal environmental deregulation for the benefit of the oil and gas industry over the past several years.

List of demands

More than cutting all that pesky red tape, what Petronas wants is government handouts – and not to pay any royalties or export taxes.

The company has been actively seeking tax concessions from the Harper government, including boosting its capital cost allowance from 8% to 30% – an estimated savings of $75-100 million for every billion dollars spent, says UBC Sauder School of Business Professor Kin Lo.

This comes on top of millions in royalty credits and other incentives the industry has already secured from BC.

On that note, British Columbians are often reminded just how much this industry benefits our public coffers. Well, that, it turns out, is a gross distortion, as Norm Farrell recently laid bare in these pages – a must-read.

Thanks to credits in the region of half a billion dollars a year against royalties owed by the gas industry to the public, we now obtain just 0.1% of our annual provincial budget from oil and gas revenues.

Sure, there was a time when this industry made a valuable contribution to our tax base, but those days are long gone – and Mr. Abbas would like to keep it that way.

What jobs?

As to the jobs the industry bandies about, again, they are far overblown compared to the reality, which has the oil and gas sector ranking at the bottom of the barrel in job creation for the province.

And don’t forget, our Minister of Natural Gas just signed an agreement with China to supply workers to build the BC LNG industry – supported by changes to our federal labour laws that allow any company to pay a foreign temporary worker 15% less than a Canadian doing the same job.

The incredible, disappearing export tax

Now, to the much-vaunted export tax that we were promised during the last election would erase our provincial debt, pay for hospitals, roads, and all manner of wonderful things.

Well, as my colleague Rafe Mair recently noted, what was once our premier’s “$100 Billion Prosperity Fund” has now shrunk to mere, undefined “billions”.

But it was never going to be anything near $100 Billion in the first place. After much negotiating in secrecy with the likes of Abbas, and multiple delays, we finally caught a glimpse of the province’s proposed export tax in this year’s budget. And what did we find? I’ll let Kevin Logan’s February column on the subject do the talking:

[quote]Effectively, BC will not realize any serious revenue from LNG until – wait for it – not this mandate, nor the next administration, but beyond the election after that!

The two tier tax regime floated by the finance minister does not start until ships are leaving our coast full of LNG, and for 3-5 years after that it is “tier one” rates of 1.5%. However, the kicker is that every nickle paid to BC under the pathetic 1.5% tier one rate is given back to the companies once tier two is reached.

Tier two taxation is only achieved once the LNG companies we let set up shop have recovered 100% of their costs…And once they have recovered costs, the tier two taxation rate of “up to” 7% kicks in – at the same time all the tax paid under tier one is given back to the companies through rebates.[/quote]

Now bear in mind that all this – this amazingly sweetheart deal the industry already has had lain at its feet – is still not good enough for Mr. Abbas.

That’s because he doen’t want to pay lower royalties and taxes. No, to Petronas the only appropriate rate of taxation is, essentially, ZERO. And if they doen’t get it, they’ll take their ball and go home.

Well, I can tell you what Tommy Douglas would say to that.

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Behn, Gillis talk Yukon, fracking on CBC radio

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Behn, Gillis talk Yukon, fracking on CBC radio
The Liard River Basin is threatened by proposed fracking (Two Island Films)

Listen to this 11-minute interview on CBC Yukon (below) with First Nations resource management expert and  lawyer Caleb Behn and Common Sense Canadian publisher and filmmaker Damien Gillis – who has been co-directing a film about Behn for the past 3 and a half years.

Caleb Behn in Whitehorse
Caleb Behn in Whitehorse

Behn and Gillis were in the Yukon this past week to discuss the pros and cons of shale gas development, in advance of the final public hearings by the Select Committee conducting a review into the industry. The Yukon has had a moratorium on fracking since 2012, but is now considering reopening the territory to the controversial form of gas extraction.

The pair made presentations in Whitehorse, Dawson City and Watson Lake . The final public hearings take place this coming week, after which the Select Committee is expected to deliver its recommendations to the legislature by the close of this Fall sesssion.

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Christy Clark should try being more leader, less cheerleader

Rafe: Christy Clark should try being more leader, less cheerleader

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Christy Clark should try being more leader, less cheerleader
BC Premier Christy Clark dons Canucks jersey during 2013 election campaign (Andy Clark / Reuters)

Nowhere in the appalling record of the Liberal government in Victoria has its shortcomings been more obvious than at the very top. Premier Christy Clark has been a terrible leader whose pronouncements get more and more embarrassing as time passes.

However, she so dominates the government that one is hard-pressed to think of even the names of her cabinet ministers, which doesn’t say much for their abilities or courage to speak out on issues.

Tsilhqot’in move merited praise…BUT the proof is in the pudding

I recently applauded Premier Clark for making formal contact with the Tsilhquot’in First Nation. I did this because she was right to do so. What she has said since makes me wonder if she really understood what she was supposed to be doing. That she understands the obvious politics in what she has done is clear but there is no evidence that she and her government comprehend what must now be a clear policy. We wait and see with hope, if not much confidence.

Absence of political courage

The premier simply cannot get serious. She always thinks of photo opportunities and public relations. In so doing, she totally discounts the need for common sense or consistency with other government policies. What she considers least is the impact of her airy-fairy words on the issue in question. Her need to make sense is permanently diminished by her inability to do so.

Nothing in this bankruptcy of leadership has suffered more than the area of energy and the environment.

The Mount Polley catastrophe and the absence of any investigation into her government’s own role simply typifies the utter disregard Premier Clark has for the requirements of leadership – one of the main ones being political courage.

On environment, media hasn’t held Clark’s feet to the fire

Vaughn Palmer of the Vancouver Sun has much disappointed me on environmental matters since the Liberals took office in 2001. It’s not what Palmer has said – it’s the absence of any comment whatsoever which is troubling.

Considering Palmer’s yeoman service when the in the NDP were in power, we were entitled to expect that this same close attention to government policy would be maintained. In fact, in these areas there has been none from the mainstream media.

LNG: house of cards crumbling

Palmer has, in my view, redeemed himself considerably by his writings on LNG. He has consistently poked at the government and their starry-eyed approach to this question and, as time has passed, it is becoming clear that those of us who from the very beginning were throwing cold water on Clark’s blatherings were right after all.

My own skepticism was fuelled simply by what I read about the energy situation in Asia – of much more importance were the words of experts such as economist Erik Andersen and energy scientists who made it clear that the government had no grounds whatsoever for its wild enthusiasm.

“Prosperity” fund shrinks from $100 Billion to “billions”

This, I think, is what is so troubling about the Premier’s actions past and present. You may remember that during the last election, the “Prosperity Fund” which was the subject of the premier’s reveries, was going to add a trillion dollars to our GDP and  $100 billion to our provincial coffers!

Instead of the premier and her experts in the energy field coldly and soberly analyzing the prospects for sale of LNG from BC plants to Asian markets, we got the fulminations of a cheerleader, the content of which made as much sense as most high school cheerleaders make. This is not what the public of British Columbia needs and indeed is not terribly helpful to the industry itself.

Today, Clark is promising only “billions of dollars” from LNG – but how many? “Billions” could technically be as few as two. She’s  considerably less specific on that point today…

Palmer, in carefully researched interventions, is bringing doses of reality to badly-hyped government propaganda.

NDP opposition not much help either

Unhappily, the leader of the NDP, John Horgan is not much more helpful than Clark. In the very beginning, he anchored himself to a policy of supporting LNG – without any clear idea as to what that blanket support was going to entail. Now, instead of being able to criticize government policy, he is stuck with past pronouncements.

Leadership is not cheerleading

Leadership is not about raising unreasonable expectations or allowing those expectations to remain unchallenged. Quite the opposite. Leadership is about cool, unemotional analysis of issues and putting careful processes in place to make sure that initiatives are successful.

There is nothing the matter, of course – and, indeed, a great deal right – about government and opposition leaders supporting that which is good for the province of British Columbia. It is courageously determining whether or not it is good that is the sign of leadership.

There seems to be little any of us can do about it. So long as the Liberal Party is content to stay with Ms. Clark, she will likely stay. Dislodging a sitting leader is a daunting prospect, indeed. As the NDP have shown, it’s difficult enough to dislodge one that isn’t sitting.

Unless there is a miraculous sea change in the attitude from Mr. Horgan and his party, they are not going to provide the “government-in-waiting” that oppositions are supposed to provide. This is a most unhealthy situation.

Media matters

Once more, this all underlines the importance of a vigilant media. Mr. Palmer deserves credit for his assumption of leadership on the LNG issue. This leadership, must, however, be broadened to include the entire energy picture – and, of course, the overall issue of the environment.

This journal will continue to be ever on top of these issues, but it needs help from the mainstream media, who thus far have abdicated their responsibilities herein.

May the example of Mr. Palmer extend to others at his newspaper, the Vancouver Sun, television media and others.

Only when it does will we have a force in this province that effectively holds governments’ feet to the fire and exposes the puerile blatherings of the premier for what they are.

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BC govt axes tree farm licence changes over widespread opposition

BC govt axes tree farm licence changes over widespread opposition

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Fatal flaw in BC govt tree farm licence changes
BC’s botched tree farm licence changes would put large global players ahead of local sector

By Peter Ewart – republished from 250news.com

It was a victory for the forestry sector as a whole and for all British Columbians. On August 28, quietly and without fanfare, Forest Minister Steve Thomson released Jim Snetsinger’s report on area-based tenures.  Although thanking Mr. Snetsinger for “a comprehensive and professional report”, Thomson noted that the Ministry “will not be proceeding with legislative changes that would enable forest licence conversions in fall 2014 or spring 2015.”

Tsilhqot’in decision played a role ion delay

According to the Minister, the decision not to go ahead with the controversial change to forest tenure at this time (which had as its core the creation of more Tree Farm Licences controlled by a few big companies) was because of the recent Supreme Court Tsilhqot’in decision and “requests from forest companies and communities to focus on key immediate priorities.”

Indeed, many came forward in the forest sector and forestry-based communities across the province to express their opposition to the proposed changes, whether at public meetings such as those organized locally by the Stand Up for the North Committee, or in written and oral submissions to the Snetsinger review panel.

Putting global giants ahead of local forestry operators

This is the second time in two years that the government has put forward the TFL conversion idea. And it is the second time it has been forced to withdraw it because of strong public opposition to what many feel was a further step towards privatization of our forests.  It raises the questions – How did the government get into this muddle?  What is the fatal flaw in its forest policy?

In a nutshell, it is the fact that the government appears to base its forest policy on catering to the interests of a few, increasingly globalized, big companies at the expense of all the other sectors of the forest industry, as well as British Columbians as a whole.

Too often, these other sectors are left out in the cold. They include workers, small and medium companies, independent wood processors, contractors, community forest associations, environmental and wildlife organizations, wood lot owners, forestry scientists and professionals, tourist operators, as well as, in the broader sense, First Nations and forestry-based communities.

Even Canfor speaks out against change

With this most recent attempt to impose more TFL conversions, the provincial government really botched the job as it didn’t even have all the big companies on board, rather only a small faction.  That was clearly illustrated when the CEO of Canfor Corporation, Don Kayne, spoke out against the proposed TFL conversions, charging that the government was “forcing unwanted tenure reform” that “brings the risk of serious repercussions for our sector” and “unfairly advantage some companies over others.”

BC needs real plan for forest renewal

So where do things go from here? The government, of course, has left itself wiggle-room to bring in TFL legislation in the future.  But the forest minister says that, for now, the focus will be on immediate priorities.

What will these priorities be? Will it be renewing our forest industry and bringing our forests back to health, as many argued for during the Snetsinger consultation process?  Will it mean developing mechanisms for more First Nations and community involvement in forestry decisions?  Or will it mean something else?

Whatever the Minister’s intention, the lesson from all of this seems clear: We need a plan for renewal of our forests which addresses the needs of all sectors of the forest industry, and which has the support of First Nations and communities.

Not half-baked schemes to enrich a few big globalized companies and their financial backers.

Peter Ewart is a columnist and writer based in Prince George, British Columbia. He can be reached at: peter.ewart@shaw.ca

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Premier's Tsilhqot'in meeting a sign of real change for BC

Rafe: Premier’s Tsilhqot’in meeting a sign of real change for BC?

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Premier's Tsilhqot'in meeting a sign of real change for BC
Tsilhqot’in Chief Roger William and Premier Christy Clark meeting in Vancouver today (Damien Gillis

This is the story of change.

Premier Christy Clark is to be congratulated for going to the Nemiah Valley and meeting with the Tsilhqot’in First Nation leaders about their position on land claims now that they have won a landmark Supreme Court of Canada decision.

It is easy to say “about time”, except that same criticism could be applied to several premiers, going back years. I believe this is the first time a BC premier could have made such a visit and that we all had to have a very big wake up call before such a commitment was possible.

Move significant for all British Columbians

There is no question that this signals quite a change in the attitude of the current government. It also, however, signals quite a change for the people of British Columbia.

I can only relate my own experience – which I have done – which was a long, slow epiphany from the attitude I started out with as a boy in British Columbia to what I have now.

They didn’t teach us this stuff in school

I grew up in a very traditional background in the 30s and 40s. I’m not going to relate now what our attitude towards “Indians” was because it would be insulting. Suffice it to say we had no understanding whatsoever of the aboriginal peoples of British Columbia.

This is not surprising when you consider that we learned absolutely nothing about aboriginals when we went to school. That’s not quite true, we learned all sorts about aboriginal peoples in Ontario – the Algonquins, Iroquois, Huron and so on. That’s because we all used Eastern textbooks. As to the Haida, the Shuswap, or Musqueam, we were totally ignorant.

My ignorance carried on until very recent times. My observations tell me, however, that I did very little other than reflect the views of other British Columbias who were, like me, moving – at a glacial pace, perhaps – towards a better understanding of what aboriginal peoples stood for and what they meant to our overall community.

Series of legal victories changed the game

Much of the learning process came with pails of cold water from the court system. Decision after decision taught us what the Constitution of Canada plainly said but we did not believe. Many of us did not like what we originally heard.

In my own case, I can say that the light went on and I realized that it didn’t much matter what any of us might have wished the Constitution said, we had to live with it as it was. As time went on it became pretty clear to me and I’m sure to many others that we ought to be respectful of the Constitution because it was in fact right, where we had been wrong.

We simply took the land

As I thought about it, it was not rocket science. The Europeans had come to British Columbia and simply taken the land that they found, created their own land registry system – and Bob’s your uncle. That this was not satisfactory ought to of occurred to us a long time ago but didn’t. It all seemed so right. We had conquered them, hadn’t we?

In fact we hadn’t, and even if we had, modern international law does not regard conquest as the end of the matter. In any event, the laws we as Europeans had made bound us  to adjust our views and recognize native title.

We have reached this point where we must adjust and we must make accommodations. We have no choice but to accept the fact we cannot do as we please with native land or disputed land. And that, in my view, is as it should be. That premier Clark has recognized this and is making moves towards establishing lines of communication is a very good thing.

Mount Polley a game-changer too

There has been another companion change which I have seen in my lifetime and it’s been a very subtle one. Not long ago, Premier Clark, after the Mount Polley disaster, flew over the lake and made the idiotic statement that she would make it pretty again.

Perhaps that wasn’t so idiotic after all because she probably touched a nerve with all of us. Impossible though it may be to change the topography of the area, we all felt the loss of the beauty concurrent with the dam disaster. Perhaps we couldn’t do anything about it and maybe it was silly to pretend we could, but we very much wanted it cleaned up and we were angry about our loss.

People starting to care

For most of my life, industry has been able to move in and tote up the value of the area in terms of timber, minerals, and so on, and the value of the beauty of the area was not part of the equation. We never thought we could quantify a beautiful mountain, lovely lake, or a gorgeous ocean shore. Those things were there, they were ours, but they were not quantifiable in terms of monetary value. As a consequence we simply accepted the fact that they would be impaired or destroyed. We didn’t like it, but we had no choice.

That has slowly but surely changed. I live in Howe Sound and the people of my area are appalled at what may happen to us if there is an LNG plant in Squamish, the trees of Gambier island destroyed or a rock quarry goes into the mouth of McNab Creek. It is not just the traditional concerns that are being expressed – it is the aesthetic values that are front and centre and being expressed in strong terms.

Companies have never understood this nor have the governments that they run. If you were to speak to somebody like the big-mouth easterner, Joe Oliver, minister of finance, who is always flapping on about how BC must accept these desecrations, you would see an indifference to such things as the beautiful mountains, lovely oceans, lakes and so on. That simply does not compute in the minds of people like Oliver, nor the prime minister. These are just not factors to be considered.

Corporations will have to face change

It is much different with the people and changing every day. While Enbridge and Kinder Morgan are stunned at the attitude of people towards their trees and rivers, they and their client governments will have to change. They will have to change because people have changed and insist that those changes they recognized.

People change – perhaps “evolve” is a better word. British Columbians have altered their views on questions of aboriginal peoples and the quantifying of our beautiful surroundings which, just as timber and minerals, have a value. Those changes are new and permanent.

The governments and industry are going to have to adjust to that.

Lead lawyer in Tsilhqot’in Williams Case presents alternate history of BC (from 2008):

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Hudson's Hope issues water quality advisory as heavy metals detected

Hudson’s Hope issues water quality advisory as heavy metals detected

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Hudson's Hope issues water quality advisory as heavy metals detected
Hudson’s Hope, BC (OurBC.com)

A water quality advisory has been issued by the District of Hudson’s Hope, in northeast BC.

Residents are being warned not to drink or use water from Lynx and Brenot Creeks.

The district advises against using it for “drinking water, livestock watering, and irrigation due to the presence of heavy metals at concentrations above the Canadian Water Quality Guidelines.”

“Boiling water will not make the water potable,” the district warns.

[quote]Abstain from using the water until further notice.

[/quote]

The contaminants discovered include:

  • aluminum
  • arsenic
  • barium
  • cadmium
  • chromium
  • iron
  • lead
  • manganese
  • uranium

The source of the contamination – and whether it is related to local shale gas activity – is unclear at the moment.

The Ministry of Environment has been alerted of the situation, the advisory notes.

[quote]The district is conducting additional investigations and will provide updated information as soon as available.[/quote]

District Office contact: 250-783-9901 / cao@hudsonshope.ca

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